Tuesday, September 21, 2021

PhD: Little Johnny and his MCRG



OK there's a fair bit here to unpack.

Blurring of dividing line between "Islam" on the one hand and "extremism" and "terrorism" on the other. Government statements and policies have exacerbated this process.

"Howardism" placed domestic and international terrorism "at the epicentre" of the Commonwealth's "political cosmology” (at 46).

Prior to 9/11, very little government policy on terrorism threats.

Howard become "the staunchest member of the 'coalition of the willing' and one of the strongest advocates of the 'War on Terror'" (at 46)

In his rhetoric, Howard insisted the war on terror was not a war on Islam itself or on Australia's neighbouring Muslim-majority states.

Howard's deeply held view that the War on Terror was morally correct. This would "underline all subsequent internal and external policies and pronouncements" (at 47)

The “moral panic” concerning Islam meant that issues related to "Muslim identity  and culture featured heavily whenever politicians or journalists brought out the 'dog-whistle'" (at 50).

Howard's non (if not anti) cosmopolitan vision. " ... he spoke of the importance of re-affirming Australia's Judeo-Christian and British cultural core". Diversity was not emphasised.

Costello: "subscribe to Australian values or don't bother coming here".

Terrorism was raised in PM's speeches some 762 times between September 2001 and April 2006.

Australian and Western media treating Muslim world as closed spaces. Essentialist and simplistic view of Islam and Muslims as being necessarily violent and a problem. This internalises the war on terror and means domestic events are seen as part of a broader international Muslim problem.

By globally framing Muslims and Islam as a 'problem', you automatically internalise the 'War on Terror', allowing the insertion of domestic events in a perpetual cycle that reinforces preconceived notions that Islam and Muslims constitute a problematic, and therefore threatening, proposition". (at 52)

Before 2002, Australia had no dedicated legislative counterterrorism law outside the conventional criminal law. Only NT had an offence proscribing a terrorist attack.

"Australian governments moved to establish a comprehensive anti-terrorism framework, which expanded incrementally ... typically with increased strengthening in the wake of 'peak' terrorist events around the globe." (at 56)

Impact of London bombings. "unprecedented toughening of Australia's counterterrorism regime" with legislation largely based on UK legislation (at 58).

Part of the tranche of legislation was passed after Howard declared the government "had received specific intelligence and police information this week which gives cause for serious concern about a potential terrorist threat ... [T]he immediate passage of [the Bill] would strengthen the capacity of law enforcement agencies to effectively respond to this threat". Legislation made on the run.

Before 9/11 Muslims were perceived by ethnicity rather than religion. Most lived in Sydney (47.3%) and Melbourne (30.3%) according to 2006 census. 180 different birthplaces, with largest group (37.9%) born in Australia.

"September 11 was followed by a marked increase in number and intensity of reported instances of attacks, harassment and culturally offensive behaviour aimed at Muslims generally" (at 59)

London terror attacks triggered concern of prospect of home grown terrorism. Consultations were commenced with religious organisational representatives, most of whom were not born in Australia and represented mainly cultural and ethnic mosques. The first batch of leaders were almost exclusively men.. A statement of principles declared "overriding loyalty to Australia" (a requirement which implies such loyalties didn't already exist, that Muslims were too "cosmopolitan" and too bound up by loyalties outside Australia). It also insisted "members of the Muslim faith, and in particular its leaders, have a responsibility to challenge and counteract those who seek to encourage the use of violence and terrorism in the name of Islam"  and "take a lead with their communities and other Islamic organisations ... to challenge violence and extremism" (at 60). An enormous responsibility placed on a leadership that was often criticised for being largely unrepresentative of those identifying as Muslim. Terrorism and violence was linked to Islam (and by direct implication those who deem themselves belonging to it in some way) with Muslims playing some kind of policing rule in counteracting violence. It was a patronising policy agenda which was readily agreed to by religious leaders with little understanding of political processes, public policy, let alone a working knowledge of the English language. 

The establishment of the Muslim Community Reference Group of members hand-picked by the Federal Government specifically excluded more "hardline" and "extreme" groups. This in effect created a division between "moderate" and "extreme", good and bad Muslims, those Muslims worth talking to and those to be excluded from the engagement process. It created an impression that dealing with national security involved the government (representing the mainstream Australian electorate) entering into dialogue with a small subset of a very small group.

Muslims were expected to take ownership of and hence responsibility for homegrown extremism. This may be seen as government deflecting responsibility for essential elements of counterterrorism. Another purpose was to have a Muslim rubber stamp on a revolutionary legislative agenda impacting potentially upon civil liberties of not just Muslims but also used as a blueprint for future legislation curtailing other groups such as bikies.

The MCRG tended to focus on leaders of either ethnic mosques or campus groups. Important omissions were women's groups, business groups and professionals. It was an attempt by government "to construct and superimpose a single communal structure contrary to the history, composition and demography of Muslims in Australia" (at 61).


Michael, Michális S.(2009) Australia's Handling of Tensions between Islam and the West under the Howard Government, Asian Journal of Political Science,17:1,45 — 70


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