PhD: The Gap between scholarship and everyday interaction

[01] Islamic radicalism and Islamophobia don't figure much in everyday interactions even if they are prominent in academic literature and popular discourse. The dominant position among Muslims in Australia seems to be one of “reciprocal engagement … one that recognises problems on [all] sides but seeks resolution through cross-cultural problem-solving” (at 1238).

So in a sense Muslims are cosmopolitan in their outlook toward their fellow Australians. They are more nation-centric than umma-centric.

[02] A retreat from multiculturalism especially when it comes to Muslims. The irony is that these same Muslims by and large are not beneficiaries of multiculturalism in the sense of being recipients of government settlement services. They have by and large settled and access the same government services as other settled Australians. Yet they are still seen as beneficiaries of multicultural policies.

A retreat from multiculturalism especially when it comes to Muslims. The irony is that these same Muslims by and large are not beneficiaries of multiculturalism in the sense of being recipients of government settlement services. They have by and large settled and access the same government services as other settled Australians. Yet they are still seen as beneficiaries of multicultural policies.

John S. Dryzek & Bora Kanra (2013), Muslims and the Mainstream in Australia: Polarisation or Engagement? Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 40:8, 1236-1253

Turkish Muslims and the Diyanet

Turkish Muslims are one of the largest and oldest Muslim migrant groups from the post-WWII era. They have established a large network of mosques across Australia, most of which are affiliated with the Diyanet, a Turkish government body that provides and pays for imams. This is a situation unique to Turkish Muslims. It is reflective of the Turkish government's attempts to project state religious policy on Turkish communities in Australia and other Western countries. 

"… the transnational activities of the Diyanet, established in 1924 to reorganise Islam for service to the new nation-state … The Foreign Affairs Department of the Diyanet was opened up in Cologne in 1984, yet the institution ‘initiated a foreign program as early as 1971 to offer religious services and education for Turks abroad’ … it has become the key objective of the Diyanet to suffocate unauthorised religious groups both at home and abroad who do not subscribe to the regime’s ideology" (p385).

(Senay, B; Seeing for the state: Kemalist long-distance nationalism in Australia (2013) 19 Nations and Nationalism 376-394)

PhD: Notes on the 2013 Parliamentary Committee report on Migration & Multiculturalism

The House of Representatives Joint Standing Committee on Migration held an Inquiry into Multiculturalism in Australia. Its report, entitled Inquiry into Migration and Multiculturalism in Australia was tabled on 18 March 2013.Chapter 4 of the report was entitled “Religious diversity: questions about Islam”.

That an entire chapter (out of a total of 12) had to be devoted to Islam in such a report is quite extraordinary and an indication of just how hot a potato Islam and Muslim communities in Australia had become embroiled in debates about the desirability or otherwise of multiculturalism. The report noted that Muslims were the 4^th largest religious group in Australia (behind Christians, no religion and Buddhists) (para 4.7) and that Islam was the 4^th fastest growing religion in Australia behind Hinduism and Sikhism (para 4.8).

Australian multiculturalism focuses on provision of services for newcomers (para 4.13). Hence arguably it is not relevant to the study of Muslims born and/or brought up in Australia who generally do not consume such services.

Threats to Muslim identity from ideological shifts from conservative overseas trends. This view was expressed by Ms Asha Bidal from the Islamic Women's Welfare Council of Victoria (para 4.48). Hence Muslim recognition that overseas trends and groups may pose a threat to local Muslim identities.

Many submissions to the inquiry (including from Muslim representatives) stated that "the terrorist attacks of September 2001, and the perceived rise of political Islam following, have had a transforming effect on attitudes to, and within, Islamic communities in Australia" (para 4.53). The term "political Islam" has not been defined though no doubt it would encompass jihadist movements such as AlQaida and ISIL.

Unlike many European countries, Australia's migration policy has been predicated on nation building and integration via permanent migration and pathways to citizenship (para 4.59). Full citizenship was offered to migrants in 1973 and dual citizenship in 2002 (para 4.60).

Attorney-General's CVE Unit established in 2010 (para 4.89). Doesn't focus on any particular ethnic, religious or cultural group. Believes "the poor and marginalised are the most susceptible to radicalisation" (para 4.90).